FREDERIC LORDON PDF
by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .
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To justify the rather strange desire to work for others in neoliberal capitalism requires something more than the objective framework of an office or an economy. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Locally based lefts At the risk of offending the alter-globalist elite bi- or trilingual, accustomed to travelling and given to thinking that everyone shares their abilitiesinternational action, which is perfectly possible and indeed desirable, cannot possibly be as intense or extensive, nor can it have the same impact as action that begins at national level.
One thing is for sure: No idea of limits That capital aims for total control follows inevitably from the very process of accumulation, whose nature is to go on indefinitely. Lordon was born on 15 th January Reviewed by Abhijeet Paul In the three chapters—more like three theses—Lordon explores the reasons for our general desire to be enslaved by modern work and the workplace Born inLordon grew up in a prosperous western suburb of Paris, his father an executive in the textile sector.
Lordon played an instrumental role in the rise of the Nuit debout movement. Sign up here for discounts and quicker purchasing. In his latest book, Imperium: Second, the conatus of these institutional investors drove them to impose their own profit-maximization agenda on industrial capital, through the formula of shareholder value.
Lordon interviewed some of the main players in autumnwhen the wounds were still raw, and incorporated his findings in La Politique du capitalpublished by Odile Jacob: Willing Slaves of Capital: The position of the left in relation to capital is, therefore, a political power relationship that upholds the sovereignty of the non-capitalist masses against that of profit. One would have to be blind to believe that it is an idea past its time.
These advances are always institutional conquests. The rollback agenda of US conservatives in the s explicitly expressed the intention of reversing social advances.
Just what is capital? What about free trade and the devastation it brings? Piketty takes a thousand pages to conclude that the choice is between a global tax and isolationism.
In short, to be leftwing means to refuse to give in to this chronic blackmail, to reform the structures that make it possible and give capital its hold over society. Capital, as a system and a social group, is a force. Giving up on trying to change structures means taking palliative measures. Yet it is the outcome of such conflicts that determines the course of capitalism. Twin tracks This intellectual centaur—empirical inquiry wedded to seventeenth-century philosophy—is less bizarre than it might at first seem.
The media, controlled by their shareholders, did not misjudge Piketty. Don’t have an account?
Economist Frédéric Lordon – Biography, Theories and Books
The concern of a Spinozist social science is thus, in his words: The fdederic rescue of should at the very least have ,ordon conditional on the de-privatisation of the entire banking system, first through nationalisation, then through socialisation — to keep the hostage-takers at bay.
On a French television show in February, he refused to say whether he was a leftwing or a rightwing economist. Perhaps we should be worrying about something else? Spinoza and Marx on Desire.
In the narrow sense of wealth, capital affects ordinary people through the obscene spectacle of wealth inequality. This definition of left is a fairly broad one, since it does not make any prior assumptions as to how to deal with capitalism itself and invites a debate on its overthrow. Such political questions never surface; the book never mentions any real conflict.
The globalisation of solutions is coming. But their resolution will be guided by an ambition to achieve sovereignty grederic the service of equality and true democracy — sovereignty, because that is the name for collective affirmation of a way of life and of collective decision-making, especially when it is opposed to an oppressive regime such as that of capitalism. In fact that is quite easy: The concept of “affect” in Spinoza’s philosophy overcomes this tedious frrederic, insofar as it gives the most general characterization of the effect produced by one thing on another.
Willing Slaves of Capital. He is currently a teacher at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, a prominent establishment for research and higher education in Paris.
Like most renowned economist, Lordon took the teaching route after completing lordpn academic studies. Fredric workers were from a number of different countries, and many were illegal immigrants. Unless these things happened by chance, they must be human work.
As a result, Lordon suggests, the French state response was frederc by contradictory impulses, unable to move beyond improvisatory and ill-timed gestures when the same high functionaries who had privatized French banks in saw to their dismay that they were now threatened by British, American and German takeover.
His work focuses on blending Spinoza’s philosophy and approach to social science to create a new theoretical framework called the “structuralism of passions. The Making of Bourgeois Europe. Those who have read his book in good faith may feel disappointed that they are not yet out of the woods. But Piketty is quite unable federic see things in a light that would show up the specifically political factors in the history of capitalism.